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1)

(a) Rebbi Chama b'Rebbi Chanina makes a number of D'rashos. What does he learn from the 'Gezeirah-Shavah' "ve'Lo Yada *Ish* es Kevuraso" and "ve'Zos ha'Berachah Asher Beirach Moshe *Ish* ha'Elokim es B'nei Yisrael"?

(b) What reason does he give for Moshe being buried beside the idol Ba'al Pe'or?

(c) How does he interpret the Pasuk in Re'ei "Acharei Hashem Elokeichem Teilechu"?

(d) Why can this Pasuk not be understood literally?

(a) Where do we find Hashem ...

1. ... clothing the naked?
2. ... visiting the sick?
3. ... comforting the mourners?
4. ... burying the dead?

(b) Rav and Shmuel argue over the Pasuk in Bereishis (in connection with the clothes that Hashem made for Adam and Chavah) "Kosnos Or". According to one of them, it means 'something made from skin'.
What material is this referring to?

(c) What does the other one hold?

(d) What are we referring to when we say that the Torah begins and ends with Chesed?

(a) Why was Moshe so eager to enter Eretz Yisrael? Was it to taste its luscious fruits?

(b) Hashem's reply to Moshe is explained by Yeshayah.
Having said "Lachein Achalek Lo be'Rabim", why would He need to add "ve'es Atzumim Yechalek Shalal"?

(c) What was Yeshayah referring to when he said ...

1. ... "Tachas Asher He'erah Nafsho La'mus"?
2. ... "ve'es Posh'im Nimneh"?

(d) "ve'Hu Chet Rabim Nasa" refers to his success in obtaining pardon for the sin of the Golden Calf.
Since "Yafgi'a" is a Lashon of prayer, what does "u'le'Posh'im Yifgi'a" mean?

(a) The Sotah's husband brought her Korban Minchah on her behalf.
Why would he give it to her to hold?

(b) According to Aba Chanin in the name of Rebbi Eliezer, the reason for making the Sotah hold the Minchah, to tire her and make her admit was the result of Hashem's pity on her, to prevent the water from 'examining' her. What 'Kal va'Chomer' does he derive from there?

(c) Why does he decline to learn that the reason is to prevent the Name of Hashem from being blotted out unnecessarily Like the Tana of our Mishnah)?

(a) Most other Menachos were placed into a K'li Sha'res where they remained until they were sacrificed; they required oil and frankincense and they consisted of wheat flour.
In which three points did the Sotah's Korban differ?

(b) One other exception was the Minchas ha'Omer, which consisted of barley. In what way did the Minchas Sotah differ from it?

(c) How many times was the Minchas ha'Omer sifted?

(d) What reason does Raban Gamliel give for the fact that the Minchas Sotah consisted of barley?

6)

(a) The Beraisa describes the procedure of how the Minchah was prepared. In what sort of vessel would the owner bring it from his house to the Beis Hamikdash?

(b) What would he do before adding oil and frankincense and giving it to the Kohen?

(c) What would the Kohen then do after carrying it to the south-western corner of the Mizbei'ach ...

1. ... with the frankincense?
2. ... with the Minchah before placing it into another K'li Sha'res?

(d) What would he finally do with the Kometz before salting it and placing it on the Mizbei'ach?

(a) How will we reconcile the Tana of our Mishnah (who says that all Menachos were placed in a K'li Sha'res from beginning to end) with the Tana of this Beraisa (who specifically writes that the owner brings his Minchah in a [private] silver or golden basket before placing it into a K'li Sha'res)?

(b) We suggest that the author of our Mishnah must then be Rebbi and not Rebbi Yossi b'Rebbi Yehudah.
Why is that? What is their Machlokes regarding the eligibility of wooden vessels as K'lei Sha'res?

(c) How do we nevertheless reconcile our Mishnah with Rebbi Yossi b'Rebbi Yehudah? What has this got to do with the Pasuk in Mal'achi "Hakriveihu Na le'Pechasecha"?

(a) 'Nosnah li'K'li Sha'res u'Mekadshah bi'Ch'eli Sha'res' implies that he places the Minchah into a Kli Sha'res in order to make it Hekdesh.
Why do we amend the Beraisa to read 'Nosnah li'K'li Sha'res Le'kadshah bi'Ch'li Sha'res'?

(b) Why does the Minchah require sanctification in a K'li Sha'res anyway? Did the owner not already sanctify it before he brought it to the Beis ha'Mikdash?

(c) What are the ramifications of 'Kedushas ha'Guf' (as opposed to 'Kedushas Damim')?

(a) The Torah in Vayikra writes "ve'Zos Toras ha'Minchah Hakreiv Osah B'nei Aharon Lifnei Hashem el P'nei ha'Mizbei'ach".
What is the meaning of ...

1. ... "Lifnei Hashem" (in this context)?
2. ... "el P'nei ha'Mizbei'ach"?

(b) How does ...

1. ... the Tana of our Mishnah (as well as the Tana Kama of the Beraisa) reconcile these two seemingly contradictory statements?
2. ... Rebbi Elazar reconcile them.?

(c) Why does Rebbi Elazar decline to concede that one has a choice to bring the Minchah either to the western or to the southern side of the Mizbei'ach?

(d) On what basis does he permit taking the Minchah to the southern side? How can that be considered "Lifnei Hashem"?

(a) Why does the Tana Kama of the Beraisa add 've'Dayo' to the phrase 'u'Magishah be'Keren Ma'aravis Deromis ... '? What might we otherwise have thought still needs to be done?

(b) What do we learn from the Pasuk "Ve'hikrivah el ha'Kohen ... Ve'higishah el ha'Mizbei'ach"?

(c) Why did he initially move the frankincense to one side before taking the Kemitzah?

(d) What do we learn from the Pasuk "mi'Saltah u'mi'Shamnah, mi'Girsah u'mi'Shamnah"?

(a) The Tana requires placing the Minchah into a second K'li Sha'res.
Do we have a precedent for this?

(b) What problem do we have with the Beraisa's statement 'u'Ma'aleihu bi'Ch'li Sha'res'?

(c) How do we therefore amend the statement?

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